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Sir Keir Starmer traveled to north Wales on Thursday to declare the development of a new nuclear power station. This is a significant policy event with implications at local and countrywide levels. Yet, the prime minister did not devote extensive time in Wales to advocating answers for the UK's energy needs. Instead, he used the time trying to put an end to the Labour leadership briefing row, telling journalists that No 10 had not undermined the health secretary’s ambitions in recent days.

Therefore, Sir Keir’s day served as a small-scale example of what his premiership has evolved into overall. Firstly, he wants his government to be doing, and to be seen to be doing, significant actions. On the other hand, he is unable to achieve this because of the manner he – and, to an extent, the country as a whole – now conducts politics and government.

Sir Keir cannot transform the political culture single-handedly, but he can take action about his personal involvement in it. The simple truth is that he could manage the centre of government far better than he does. Should he achieve this, he could discover that the country was in less dismay about his government than it is, and that he was communicating his points more successfully.

Staffing Issues in No 10

A number of the issues in Number 10 relate to individuals. The interpersonal relations of any No 10 regime are hard to know well from outside. But it seems obvious that Sir Keir does not make good personnel choices, or maintain them. Perhaps he is too busy. Perhaps he is not really interested. However, he must to up his game, not do things slowly or incompletely.

• He hesitated about giving the crucial role of top civil servant to Chris Wormald.
• He made Sue Gray his chief of staff, then substituted her with a political strategist.
• He recruited Darren Jones in from the Treasury as his deputy.
• His communications chiefs have been frequently replaced.
• Political and policy advisers have entered and exited.
• The situation is chaotic.

Systemic Issues at the Heart of the Administration

Every prime minister devote excessive time abroad and on foreign affairs, where Sir Keir should delegate more, and too little talking to MPs and listening to the citizens. Premiers also allocate too much time engaging with the press, which Sir Keir compounds by performing inadequately. Yet leaders cannot claim to be surprised when their politically appointed staff, who are often party activists or politically ambitious, overstep boundaries or become the focus, as Mr McSweeney has recently.

The biggest issues, though, are structural. It would be good to believe that Sir Keir reviewed the Institute for Government’s March 2024 report on reforming the centre of government. His inability to grip these issues last July or since suggests he did not. The often abject performance of Labour’s time in office suggests recommendations like reorganizing the roles of the Cabinet Office and No 10, and dividing the positions of cabinet secretary and civil service head, are now urgent.

The dominant political role of prime ministers far outdistances the assistance provided to them. As a result, everything currently suffers, and much is done badly or neglected.

This is not Sir Keir’s sole responsibility. He is the casualty of past failures along with the architect of present ones. Yet individuals who expected Sir Keir might get a grip on the core and prioritize governmental structures have been let down. Sadly, the primary casualty from this shortcoming is Sir Keir himself.